Contour Tone Distribution in Luganda
نویسندگان
چکیده
The traditional model of contour tone distribution (see, e.g., Hyman 2003) uses phonological units to describe which syllable types can bear rising or falling tones (see Zhang 2004 for an overview). A common pattern is one in which contour tones are permitted on long vowels but not on short vowels; this is explained in the traditional model by assuming that the mora is the tone-bearing unit (TBU) and there is a one-tone-per-mora restriction that prohibits contour tones on short vowels. An alternative to the phonological approach is one in which contour tone distribution is phonetically based (see, e.g., Gordon 2001, 2006, Zhang 2001, 2004). In the phonetic model, there is no role for the mora in determining contour tone distribution; instead, it is duration and/or sonority that determine whether a contour can occur on a given syllable. In this paper, we show how Luganda bears on the choice between the two models, favoring the phonological approach over the phonetic one. As we will show, the mora is crucial to explaining contour tone distribution in Luganda, and the duration-based phonetic model makes incorrect predictions for this language.
منابع مشابه
6 The role of contrast - specific and language - specific phonetics in contour tone distribution
In some tone languages, contour tones (pitch changes within a syllable) may be used contrastively. The phonological distribution of contour tones has been of much theoretical interest, as it sheds light on both the representation of tone (Woo 1969; Leben 1973; Goldsmith 1976; Bao 1990; Duanmu 1990, 1994a; Yip 1989, 1995) and the relation between phonetics and phonology (Duanmu 1994b; Gordon 199...
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تاریخ انتشار 2008